HANDBOOK OF HOME RULE
BY GLADSTONE, M.P., JOHN MORLEY, M.P., JAMES BRYCE, M.P., CANON MACCOLL, E.L. GODKIN, AND R. BARRY O'BRIEN
HANDBOOK
OF
HOME RULE
BEING
_ARTICLES ON THE IRISH QUESTION_
BY
THE RIGHT HON. W.E. GLADSTONE, M.P.
THE RIGHT HON. JOHN MORLEY, M.P., LORD THRING
JAMES BRYCE, M.P., CANON MACCOLL
E.L. GODKIN, AND R. BARRY O'BRIEN
_WITH PREFACE BY_
THE RIGHT HON. EARL SPENCER, K.G.
EDITED BY
JAMES BRYCE, M.P.
SECOND EDITION
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO., I, PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1887
EDITOR'S NOTE.
Of the articles contained in this volume, those by Mr. Gladstone, Mr.
E.L. Godkin on "A Lawyer's Objections to Home Rule," and Mr. Barry
O'Brien appear for the first time. The others are reprinted from the
_Contemporary Review_, the _Nineteenth Century_, and the _New Princeton
Review_, to the proprietors and editors of which periodicals
respectively the thanks of the several writers and of the editor are
tendered. In most of these reprints some passages of transitory interest
have been omitted, and some few additions have been made.
The object of the writers has been to treat the difficult questions
connected with the Government of Ireland in a dispassionate spirit; and
the volume is offered to the public in the hope that it may, at a time
of warm controversy over passing events, help to lead thoughtful men
back to the consideration of the principles which underlie those
questions, and which it seeks to elucidate by calm discussion and by
references to history.
_October_, 1887.
CONTENTS.
PREFACE. BY THE RIGHT HON. EARL SPENCER, K.G.
AMERICAN HOME RULE.
BY E.L. GODKIN
HOW WE BECAME HOME RULERS.
BY JAMES BRYCE, M.P.
HOME RULE AND IMPERIAL UNITY.
BY LORD THRING
THE IRISH GOVERNMENT BILL AND THE IRISH LAND BILL.
BY LORD THRING
THE "UNIONIST" POSITION.
BY CANON MACCOLL
A LAWYER'S OBJECTIONS TO HOME RULE.
BY E.L. GODKIN
THE "UNIONIST" CASE FOR HOME RULE.
BY R. BARRY O'BRIEN
IRELAND'S ALTERNATIVES.
BY LORD THRING
THE PAST AND FUTURE OF THE IRISH QUESTION.
BY JAMES BRYCE, M.P.
SOME ARGUMENTS CONSIDERED.
BY THE RIGHT HON. JOHN MORLEY, M.P.
LESSONS OF IRISH HISTORY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
BY THE RIGHT HON. W.E. GLADSTONE, M.P.
PREFACE.
The present seems an excellent moment for bringing forward the arguments
in favour of a new policy for Ireland, which are to be found in the
articles contained in this volume.
We are realizing the first results of the verdict given at the election
of 1886. And this I interpret as saying that the constituencies were not
then ready to depart from the lines of policy which, up to last year,
nearly all politicians of both parties in Parliament had laid down for
their guidance in Irish affairs.
We have had the Session occupied almost wholly with Lord Salisbury's
proposals for strengthening the power of the central Government to
maintain law and order in Ireland, and for dealing with the most
pressing necessities of the Land question in that country.
It is well, before the policy of the Government is practically tested,
that the views of thoughtful men holding different opinions should be
clearly set forth, not in the shape of polemical speeches, but in
measured articles which specially appeal to those who have not hitherto
joined the fighting ranks of either side, and who are sure to intervene
with great force at the next election, when the Irish question is again
submitted to the constituencies.
I feel that I can add little or nothing to the weight of the arguments
contained in these papers, but I should like to give some reasons why I
earnestly hope that they will receive careful consideration.
The writers have endeavoured to approach their work with impartiality,
and to free themselves from those prejudices which make it difficult for
Englishmen to discuss Irish questions in a fresh and independent train
of thought, and realize how widely Irish customs, laws, traditions, and
sentiments differ from our own.
We are apt to think that what has worked well here will work well in
Ireland; that Irishmen who differ from us are unreasonable; and that
their proposals for change must be mistaken. We do not make allowance
for the soreness of feeling prevailing among men who have long objected
to the system by which Ireland has been governed, and who find that
their earnest appeals for reform have been, until recent times,
contemptuously disregarded by English politicians. Time after time
moderate counsels have been rejected until too late. Acts of an
exceptional character intended to secure law and order have been very
numerous, and every one of them has caused fresh irritation; while
remedial measures have been given in a manner which has not won the
sympathy of the people, because they have not been the work of the Irish
themselves, and have not been prepared in their own way.
Parliament seems during the past Session to have fallen into the same
error. By the power of an English majority, measures have been passed
which are vehemently opposed by the political leaders and the majority
of the Irish nation, and which are only agreeable to a small minority in
Ireland. This action can only succeed if the Irish can be persuaded to
relinquish the national sentiments of Home Rule; and yet this was never
stronger or more vigorous than at the present time. It is supported by
millions of Irish settled in America and in Australia; and here I would
say that it has often struck me that the strong feeling of
dissatisfaction, or, I might say, of disaffection, among the Irish is
fed and nurtured by the marked contrast existing between the social
condition of large numbers of the Irish in the South and West of Ireland
and the views and habits of their numerous relatives in the United
States.
The social condition of many parts of Ireland is as backward, or perhaps
more backward, than the condition of the rural population of England at
the end of last or the beginning of this century. The Irish peasantry
still live in poor hovels, often in the same room with animals; they
have few modern comforts; and yet they are in close communication with
those who live at ease in the cities and farms of the United States.
They are also imbued with all the advanced political notions of the
American Republic, and are sufficiently educated to read the latest
political doctrines in the Press which circulates among them. Their
social condition at home is a hundred years behind their state of
political and mental culture. They naturally contrast the misery of many
Irish peasants with the position of their relatives in the New World.
This cannot but embitter their views against English rulers, and
strengthen their leaning to national sentiments. Their national
aspirations have never died out since 1782. They have taken various
forms; but if the movements arising from them have been put down, fresh
movements have constantly sprung up. The Press has grown into an immense
power, and its influences have all been used to strengthen the zeal for
Irish nationality, while, at the same time, the success of the national
movements in Italy, Hungary, Greece, and Germany have had the same
effect. Lastly, the sentiment of Home Rule has gained the sympathy of
large bodies of electors in the constituencies of Great Britain, and,
under the circumstances, it is difficult to suppose that, even if the
country remains quiet, constitutional agitation will vanish or the Irish
relinquish their most cherished ambition.
We hear, from men who ought to know something of Ireland, that if the
Land question is once settled, and dual ownership practically abolished,
the tenants will be satisfied, and the movement for Home Rule will no
longer find active support in Ireland. Without going into the whole of
this argument, I should like to say two things: first, that I do not
know how a large scheme of Land Purchase can be carried through
Parliament with safety to Imperial interests without establishing, at
the same time, some strong Irish Government in Dublin to act between the
Imperial Government and the tenants of Ireland; and, second, that the
feeling for Home Rule has a vitality of its own which will survive the
Land question, even if independently settled.
Home Rule is an expression of national feeling which cannot be
extinguished in Ireland, and the only safe method of dealing with it is
to turn its force and power to the support of an Irish Government
established for the management of local Irish affairs. There are those
who think that this must lead to separation. I cannot believe in this
fear, for I know of no English statesman who looks upon complete
separation of Ireland from Great Britain as possible. The geographical
position of Ireland, the social and commercial connection between the
two peoples, renders such a thing impossible. The Irish know this, and
they are not so foolish as to think that they could gain their
independence by force of arms; but I do not believe that they desire it.
They are satisfied to obtain the management of their own local affairs
under the _жgis_ of the flag of England. The papers in this volume show
how this can be done with due regard to Imperial interests and the
rights of minorities.
I shall not enlarge on this part of the subject, but I wish to draw
attention to the working of the Irish Government, and the position which
it holds in the country, for it is through its administration that the
policy of the Cabinet will be carried out. At the outset I feel bound to
deprecate the exaggerated condemnation which the "Castle" receives from
its opponents. It has its defects. Notwithstanding efforts of various
ministers to enlarge the circle from which its officials are drawn, it
is still too narrow for the modern development of Irish society, and it
has from time to time been recruited from partisans without sufficient
regard to the efficiency and requirements of the public service. But, on
the whole, its members, taken as individuals, can well bear comparison
with those of other branches of the Civil Service. They are diligent;
they desire to do their duty with impartiality, and to hold an even
balance between many opposing interests in Ireland. Whatever party is in
office, they loyally carry out the policy of their chiefs. They are,
probably, more plastic to the leadership of the heads of departments
than members of some English offices, and they are more quickly moved by
the influences around them. Sometimes they may relapse into an attitude
of indifference and inertness if their chiefs are not active; but, on
the other hand, they will act with vigour and decision if they are led
by men who know their own minds and desire to be firm in the government
of the country.
When speaking of the chiefs of the Irish Civil Service, who change
according to the political party in office, we must not overlook the
legal officers, who exercise a most powerful influence on Irish
administration. They consist of the Lord Chancellor, the Attorney and
Solicitor General, and, until 1883, there was also an officer called the
Law Adviser, who was the maid-of-all-work of Castle administration. In
England, those who hold similar legal offices take no part in the daily
administration of public affairs. The Lord Chancellor, as a member of
the Cabinet, takes his share in responsibility for the policy of the
Government. The law officers are consulted in special cases, and take
their part from time to time in debates in the House of Commons. In
Ireland, however, the Chancellor is constantly consulted by the
Lord-Lieutenant on any difficult matter of administration, and the
Attorney and Solicitor General are in constant communication with the
Lord-Lieutenant, if he carries out the daily work of administration, and
with the Chief and the Under Secretary.
Governments differ as to the use they make of these officials. Some
Governments have endeavoured to confine their work to cases where a mere
legal opinion has to be obtained; but, when the country is in a
disturbed state, even these limited references become very frequent, and
questions of policy as well as of law are often discussed with the law
officers. It is needless to say that, with their knowledge of Ireland
and the traditions of Castle government (it is rare that all the law
officers are new to office, and, consequently, they carry on the
traditions from one Government to another), they often exercise a
paramount influence over the policy of the Irish Government, and
practically control it.
They are connected with the closest and most influential order in Irish
society--the legal order, consisting of the judges and Bar
